PM Lee Hsien Loong at PA Kopi Talk at Ci Yuan CC

A Chinese translation of the transcript is available below.

RACE, MULTIRACIALISM AND SINGAPORE’S PLACE IN THE WORLD

Good morning everybody.

Why Multiracialism

Race has been a fundamental issue for Singapore from the very beginning of our nationhood. In 1965, on the day we became independent, Mr Lee Kuan Yew said Singapore is “not a Malay nation, not a Chinese nation, not an Indian nation. Everybody will have a place in Singapore.”

He said this to assure the minorities in Singapore that they would always be protected and not be treated worse than the majority. But he also said this to remind the Chinese majority never to oppress the non-Chinese, because they themselves had felt squatted upon when Singapore was in Malaysia. It was a two-part message – not only to reassure the minorities but at the same time, give a sober reminder to the majority not to over step their bounds, and make life miserable for those who are not the same colour as them. Why was this principle so important to us? There are two parts to this answer.

First, this was the fundamental ideal over which we fought with the central government in Malaysia. Our founding fathers – Lee Kuan Yew, Goh Keng Swee, S Rajaratnam, Othman Wok – they believed passionately in the vision of a multi-racial society. Where nobody would be favoured or disadvantaged because of the colour of his or her skin. Where everybody would have equal opportunities, feel kinship and brotherhood with people of different races and religions, and share the same Singapore nationality. Malaysia was different. The UMNO leaders in Kuala Lumpur (KL) – the central government – wanted one dominant race, i.e. Malay Malaysians, to enjoy special rights, while the Chinese, Indians and other citizens would forever be in a subordinate position. We fought that, and disagreed with them. Eventually, we separated from them because it could not be settled.  

The second reason we have to make a fundamental point about multiracialism is because Singapore is a Chinese-majority country, in a Malay-majority part of Southeast Asia. In the 1960s, 50 years ago, Singapore had already been perceived as a “Third China”. We were seen as a Chinese country, a proxy, a stooge for communist China, and not an independent player. If Singapore had been identified as a Chinese country, it would have caused problems with our neighbours. We would not have been able to live peacefully in Southeast Asia. So we had to make quite sure that people understood that we were an independent, multiracial country.

Therefore, our founding fathers made multiracialism the fundamental principle on which Singapore was founded, and enshrined it in our Constitution. They drafted the National Pledge, where we “pledge ourselves as one united people, regardless of race, language or religion”. 

Terrorism

In Southeast Asia, race and religion do not only affect society and politics, but also terrorism and violence. This has afflicted many countries in Southeast Asia. 

Hundreds of Indonesians and Malaysians have gone to join ISIS. A few have gone to Philippines, while hundreds have gone to the Middle East. There are some prominent Malaysian and Indonesian terrorists who are with ISIS in Syria and Iraq – Bahrun Naim, Bahrumsyah, Mohammed Saffan. They may be in the Middle East, but they are in full contact with their people back in Indonesia and Malaysia. They use Facebook; their Facebook is more powerful than mine. They use Telegram; definitely more powerful than mine. They spread propaganda to cultivate and recruit more to their cause. With social media, they can give orders and mount operations. They tell their sympathisers: Come to the Middle East, or if you can’t do that, go to the Philippines or do jihad in your own countries.

We are not insulated from terrorism. Every month or two, the Internal Security Department picks up one or two Singaporeans who have become self-radicalised. They are not down and out, and neither are they from the Middle East. They were born and raised in Singapore, educated in state schools. But they have become self-radicalised. Most are men, but there are even some young women. They want to join the militants in Syria, and do something violent in Singapore.

So it is not a question of “if”, but “when” a terrorist attack might happen in Singapore. Which is why even at today’s event, you can see that we have put in place precautions around Ci Yuan Community Centre. It is a lot of work, and I understand that it is inconvenient to residents, but it is necessary. We have to take this very seriously, and fortify ourselves not just physically, but also as a society – psychologically and emotionally as one people. And that means we need multiracialism.

Multiracialism by itself will not stop an attack. It can still happen because even if 99.99 per cent of Singaporeans believed in multiracialism, there would still be a handful who do not. But multiracialism will help us cope with the day after a terrible attack has happened –  when people are in shock, in pain, and feeling angry and fearful. It is very easy for an attack by terrorists – who act in the name of Islam – to cause a divide between Muslims and non-Muslims, and for us to become split as a society. Many people will be angry and scared. But if you have been working together at this through the IRCCs and SGSecure, and you have all our neighbourhood groups and religious leaders working together, then we can hold on together and let life go on as one people. That is why I recently held closed-door briefings to discuss the issue of terrorist threats. First for Muslim religious and community leaders, and then for a mixed group. The briefings were useful for them to understand how important and urgent the problem of terrorism is, and to get them on our side to help us to deal with it. They responded positively. I think we will have their full cooperation in working towards multicultural unity. 

Multiracialism in Singapore

Over the last 52 years, we made significant progress in becoming one people – regardless of race, language or religion. We take pride in our country, and in our identity. We have worked together, built together, mourned together, and celebrated together as one people.

But you must remember that what we have here is not something natural, nor something which will stay there by itself. It is the result of very hard work, a lot of toil and sweat, and the gradual education and bringing together of people. It was also because of the gradual inculcation of shared values and attitudes that we came to have the confidence, trust and mutual respect to make us one people. We brought people together and consciously created common spaces and opportunities. We used English as our common working language, while ensuring a place for our mother tongues. We mixed all races together in HDB estates, so that there are no enclaves or ghettos in Singapore. In schools, we recite the Pledge every day. We created GRCs so that in Parliament we will always minorities represented. We came down hard on extremists – regardless of whether they were Chinese chauvinists or Malay, Indian or Hindu extremists – because they have to understand that this is what Singapore is, and this is how Singapore will act when racial chauvinists try to stir up sentiments against others.

Sometimes we think we have arrived, and that we can do away with these provisions and rules which feel like such a burden. But in fact, it is the other way around. It is precisely because we have these provisions and rules, that we have achieved racial and religious harmony. 

We have not yet arrived at an ideal state of accepting people of a different race. Yes, we have made progress, but it is work in progress. 

Last year, the Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) did a survey. They asked people what they thought about being with someone of a different race. First, ‘Are you okay with somebody of a different race being your colleague?’ No problem. ‘Are you okay with somebody of a different race being your business partner?’ Here, they have to think a bit more carefully. ‘Are you okay with a person of a different race becoming your daughter-in-law?’ Very difficult. But this is the reality. We are friends and citizens together but there are different circles of trust. One of these circles is being of the same religion and race. 

IPS did a different survey with CNA and asked: ‘Are you okay with a person of a different race being President?’ The answer was: ‘I have to be more careful than having my colleague at the next desk work with me, but it is a bit easier than having a son-in-law or a daughter-in-law’. I think that is an honest answer. We are not completely colour-blind, and this makes a difference. It will influence our thinking and choices, either consciously or unconsciously. Therefore, it is harder for a minority – a Malay or Indian or Eurasian – to win an open election for president, than it is for a Chinese. 

I think you can accept it when I tell it to you like this. But when you make these arguments outside, people get worked up about the reserved election. They wish this bias were not true. But I just give you one fact.

This time we had a reserved election. There were three Malay candidates who came forward, of whom two did not qualify – but they came forward. Then you look the presidential election in 2011. It was hotly contested. A lot of people thought the Government needed to be checked. Was there a Malay candidate? Where were the Farid Khans and the Salleh Maricans? Why didn’t they come? It did not cross their minds? No. So why didn’t they come? Because they knew that in an open election – all things being equal – a non-Chinese candidate would have no chance. So you had Tan Kin Lian, Tan Cheng Bock, and Tan Jee Say. But you did not have a Marican, nor a Khan or any other Malay candidate. It is a reality. We have to know this, we have to manage this.

These are the big trends. Elections only happen once in a while. But even in our day-to-day lives, we have racial issues that we have to deal with. Minorities sometimes face discrimination when looking for jobs. Sometimes, landlords prefer not to have minorities rent a house from them. These landlords will give some reasons, but you know it is because they prefer to look for a tenant who is of a certain race. Racial stereotypes persist in conversations and jokes. If you are amongst close friends, it is okay. For friends who are not so close, it can cause misunderstandings. There was a recent incident where someone put up a decoration with a young Malay girl’s picture on a construction hoarding. It showed her wearing a tudung. And after that, somebody went and pencilled “terrorist” on the picture.  

These are the realities we have to manage. The Chinese in Singapore may not realise it, because the Chinese are the majority race. They may think that Singapore has “arrived” as a multiracial society. You only get small reminders from time to time, when you go to a different country, and there you encounter racism. If you go to America or Australia or somewhere in Europe, you may know what it feels like to be treated as a minority.

The younger ones have only known peace and harmony in Singapore, and it is very easy to believe that race does not matter anymore. But this is not so. We have to know our blind spots, and make a special effort to ensure our minority communities feel welcomed and valued in Singapore. The Chinese community particularly must make a special effort to make the minorities feel welcome in Singapore.

Elected Presidency

This is why we amended the Constitution to ensure that minorities regularly have a chance to be the President, and to strengthen ourselves as a multiracial country. Just having multiracial Presidents will not in itself make Singapore a multiracial country. But it is one important symbol of what Singapore stands for, and a declaration of what we aspire to be. It is a reminder to every citizen, especially the Chinese majority race, that there is a role for every community in Singapore. 

We have not had a Malay President since our very first President, Encik Yusof Ishak, more than 50 years ago. But I am very happy that we now have Mdm Halimah Yacob as our President. As DPM Teo said when we were attending her swearing-in, and singing Majulah Singapura: “It is a special feeling”. 

We have spent nearly two years preparing to make this move. Ever since I raised the subject when Parliament opened in January 2016, we have been discussing and debating this continually. But it is only now that people are seized with it, after a reserved election in which only one candidate qualified. 

There was some unhappiness. I can feel that; you do not have to tell me. People think we may be going backwards, towards racial politics. But actually the reality is the opposite: We are making necessary changes to strengthen our multiracial system, in order to continue to progress as one united people. If we did nothing, it was very likely that we would not have had a Malay president for a very long time. After a while, the minorities in Singapore would start to feel left out, and understandably so. The Chinese majority might also become less sensitive to other races. This would weaken our sense of shared nationhood for all Singaporeans.

When we created the elected presidency about 25 years ago, we knew that we might have trouble electing minority Presidents. In fact, Malay Singaporeans at that time immediately sensed this – that it would be difficult to have a Malay President in future. But at that time we had to address the more pressing issue – how to find good candidates to be President. So we decided to observe and see how things developed. Now after 25 years, it is time. We know how things have developed, and how they are likely to be for quite a long time to come. We think we know what to do in order to mend this problem.

We should not be shy to acknowledge that in Singapore, the majority is making a special effort to ensure that minorities enjoy full and equal treatment. We are not unique in making special arrangements for our Head of State. It is necessary in many multiracial countries. They make deliberate arrangements – either constitutional rules or conventions – but they have some kind of rotation or special representations for the minorities. Canada’s Governor-General alternates between the French-speaking and English-speaking communities. In New Zealand, they have minorities too. They have had a Governor-General of Indian-descent, and the current Governor-General has Maori blood. These examples do not happen by chance. In these countries, they specifically looked for distinguished individuals from minority communities to be the Head of State. Switzerland – an ideal country, 900 years of nationhood – they have got Swiss Germans, Swiss French, Swiss Italians, and their President rotates between these three groups. Because if you just have an open election, the Swiss Germans would probably win every time. That is why we have to make arrangements. 

How did we have Encik Yusof Ishak as President? It was not an election, but a choice. How was the choice made? Mr Lee Kuan Yew specifically looked for a distinguished Malay. Why? Because he wanted to show Singaporeans and the Federation of Malaya that we can work with the Malays, that we are part of Malaya, and we are one Malayan society, and not a Chinese society. So he asked Encik Yusof Ishak, who agreed and became our Yang di-Pertuan Negara, and later our first President. 

Today, our Presidents are chosen by election. But we need to have mechanisms in place so that minorities have a chance. How did we do that? The Constitutional Commission recommended a hiatus-based mechanism, with reserved elections for the Presidency. This meant that if there was no Malay President for a long time, the next election would be reserved for a Malay. No Indian President for a long time, and the next election would be reserved for an Indian. In fact, for good measure the Commission said that if there was no Chinese President for a long time, then the next election would be reserved for the Chinese. Actually, there was no need to do so for the Chinese. But the Chinese community felt that if you did not also make provisions for the Chinese, something was not right under the sun.  So we did it, and this shows you just how sensitive and necessary the mechanism is. 

Conclusion 

Did I know that this subject would be a difficult one? That it would be unpopular and cost us votes? Yes, I knew. If I do not know that these are sensitive matters, I cannot be in politics. But I did it, because I strongly believe, and still do, that this is the right thing to do. 

There is nothing natural about where we are – multiracial, multi-religious, tolerant and progressive. We made it happen, and we have got to protect it, nurture it, preserve it, and never break it. 

President Halimah said at her swearing-in ceremony that she could understand why people did not like the reserved election. And like them, she looks forward to the day when we no longer need it, and Singaporeans naturally and regularly elect citizens of all races as President. I too hope that we will eventually not need such a mechanism to ensure minority representation. But we are not there yet, and it will take a long time to happen.

In climbing towards that ideal state, we need guide-ropes and guard-rails to help us get there and to prevent us from falling off along the way. The reserved election for the President is one such guard-rail. 

After the swearing-in, I posted a picture on Instagram of myself, President Halimah and Chief Justice Sundaresh Menon. A Chinese, a Malay, and an Indian – only in Singapore. During the F1, one international visitor from Brazil saw the picture and commented on it. He said it was most amazing what we have in Singapore. He could not imagine it happening anywhere else. 

In fact, it is amazing. It shows what Singapore is – multiracial, meritocratic, one flag, one people. That is what makes us Singaporean. It is not just resonant rhetoric, or a warm, fuzzy feeling. We have to live it out daily, in little ways and big. You have a neighbour of a different race, and you can celebrate each other’s festivals. Share pineapple tarts, kueh dadar and murukku –  many reasons to break your diabetes vows! But it is also much more than that. It is about having colleagues and true friends from different races whom we laugh and cry with. It is about being able to accommodate one another and to work through our differences. It is about having the honesty to recognise that our multiracialism is not yet perfect, but having the courage and determination to take pragmatic steps to get there, step by step. That is how we will continue to expand our common space, strengthen trust, and become one people, one nation, one Singapore. 

Thank you.

“种族、多元种族及新加坡在世界上的地位”

自建国以来，种族课题一直是新加坡所面对的重要课题。1965年，建国总理李光耀在独立当天这么说过：“新加坡并非一个马来人的国家，也不是一个华人国家，或是一个印度人的国家。在新加坡，每个人都会有平等的地位。”

他说这番话的目的，是为了向新加坡的少数族群保证，他们的地位时刻会获得保障，所受到的待遇将不会比多数族群来得差；同时提醒作为多数族群的华人不应该欺压非华人，因为他们自己也曾在新加坡加入马来西亚联邦时受到欺压。这番话传达了两个重要信息——在安抚少数族群的当儿，也严厉提醒多数族群不要越线，不可让跟他们肤色不同的人生活在痛苦中。为什么这个治国原则对我们如此重要？这当中有两个原因。

首先，我们就是为了这个根本信念而跟马来西亚的中央政府发生冲突。我们的建国元勋李光耀、吴庆瑞、拉惹勒南和奥斯曼渥坚守建立多元种族社会的信念。在这个社会里，没有人会因为他们的肤色而获得特别待遇或处于劣势。大家都有公平的机会，不同种族和不同宗教的人士之间互敬互爱，拥有共同的国籍身份。马来西亚则有不同主张。在吉隆坡的马来民族统一机构（巫统）领袖，也就是当时的中央政府，希望建立马来人至上，马来人的马来西亚；马来人可享有特权，华人、印度人和其他公民则永远处于从属地位。我们的建国领袖反对这样的做法，与他们产生争执。由于双方的分歧无法解决，新加坡最终脱离马来西亚独立。

我们必须以多元种族主义为治国原则的第二个原因是：新加坡位处东南亚以马来人居多的区域，但却是个以华人居多的国家。大概50年前，1960年代的时候，新加坡被视为“第三中国”，被看成是一个华人国家，是共产中国的代理和傀儡，而不是一个独立国家。如果新加坡被认定为华人国家，这将对新加坡与邻国之间造成问题。我们将无法在东南亚过平静的日子。因此，我们必须确保人们清楚明白，新加坡是一个独立的多元种族国家。

因此，我们的建国元勋将多元种族确立为新加坡建国的根本原则，并把它载入我国宪法。他们在起草新加坡的国家信约时强调：“誓愿不分种族、言语、宗教，团结一致”。

恐怖主义

在东南亚，种族和宗教课题不仅影响社会和政治层面，也导致恐怖主义和暴力活动。许多东南亚国家都深受其害。

我们知道已有数以百计的印度尼西亚人和马来西亚人前去加入伊斯兰国组织。一些去了菲律宾，但多数是去了中东。有几名马来西亚和印尼恐怖分子特别引人注目，他们到叙利亚和伊拉克加入伊国组织，例如巴赫仑˖纳伊姆（Bahrun Naim）、巴鲁姆沙（Bahrumsyah）和莫哈末·萨凡（Mohammed Saffan）。他们虽然人在中东，却依然与印尼和马来西亚的伙伴保持密切联系。他们使用面簿（Facebook），也使用Telegram，他们展开各种宣传，培养和招募更多激分子加入他们的行列。他们可以通过社交媒体下令组织成员展开攻击。他们呼吁同情他们的人：到中东来吧！如果没法前去中东，就去菲律宾或在自己的国家进行圣战。

我们无法免于恐怖主义的危害。内部安全局每隔一两个月，都会拘留一或两名自我激进化新加坡人。他们并非穷途潦倒的人，也不是来自中东。他们在新加坡土生土长，上过政府学校。不过，他们还是自我激进化。他们以男性居多，但也有一些是年轻女性。他们想要加入叙利亚武装分子的行列，在新加坡执行暴力攻击行动。

因此，发生恐怖袭击对新加坡而言，已经“不是万一，而是何时”的问题。我们必须认真对待防恐课题，除了加强我们的防恐能力，也需要加强我们社会的心理防卫力量，全民团结起来，一起防恐。这意味我们需要和谐的多元种族关系。

多元种族主义本身并不能阻止恐怖袭击的发生。即使99.9%的新加坡人相信多元种族的重要性，还是会有一小部分的国人不认同。不过，多元种族理念却能够协助我们在遭遇恐袭后的隔天，应付种种状况。当人们震惊、痛苦、愤怒和恐惧的时候，恐怖分子以宗教名义所执行的恐怖袭击，轻易就能分化回教徒和非回教徒以及分裂我们的社会。许多人会对此感到愤怒和害怕。但通过族群与宗教互信圈和全国保家安民计划，以及社区团体和宗教领袖之间的合作，我们将能维护我们的多元种族社会；大家团结一致，一起度过难关，继续正常生活。这也是为什么最近我跟宗教和社区领袖举行了闭门对话会，讨论有关恐怖威胁的课题。首先是与回教领袖和社区领袖对话，接着是其他族群。对话会有助于这些宗教和社区领袖了解恐怖主义威胁是重要和紧迫的课题，进而愿意跟我们一起携手应对这个威胁。与会领袖们的反应十分良好。我认为我们在促进多元种族团结的事情上，会得到他们的全力配合。

新加坡的多元种族主义

过去52年来，我们取得了很大的进步。新加坡人民不分种族、言语、宗教，团结一致。我们为新加坡感到骄傲，也为身为新加坡人而感到自豪。我们一起共同努力，携手创造家园，举国哀悼，也举国欢庆。

但切记，我们今天所拥有的一切并非自然形成，也不会自然而然地维持下去。这一切都是我们努力辛劳的成果，也是我们一步步教育和团结国人的结果。正因为我们逐步地灌输共同的价值观和态度，国人建立起了信心、信任以及对彼此的尊重，全民团结一致。我们有意识地创造共同空间和机会，把新加坡人凝聚在一起。我们在确保仍然保留母语的情况下，使用英语作为共同的工作语言。我们让不同种族的国人住在同个组屋区内，确保不会有单一族群聚居的现象。在学校，我们每天都一起宣读信约。为确保国会里有少数种族代表，我们实施了集选区制度。我们严厉对付极端主义分子——无论是华文沙文主义者或马来族、印度族、兴都教极端分子。因为我们必须让他们了解，这是新加坡社会，当任何种族主义者想尝试煽动对其他种族的情绪，这就是新加坡的回应方式。

我们或许以为我们已经达到了理想境界，可以免去这些看似沉重的规章和条文。但事实正好相反。正是因为我们有这些规章和条文，我们才能享有今天的种族和宗教和谐。

在这一次的保留选举中，有三名马来族候选人站出来表态要参选。尽管其中两位候选人没有获得合格证书，但是他们都表达了参选的意愿。让我们回过头来看2011年那场竞争激烈的总统选举。当时，许多人都认为需要有人来监督政府。当时是否有马来族候选人参选？有没有像法立和沙里ˑ马里肯那样的人士出现？这些人为什么没有站出来参选？难道他们没有参选意愿吗？不是的。那他们为什么不参选？因为他们都清楚知道，在所有条件都相同的情况下，非华族候选人在开放选举中是没有机会胜出的。当时参选的人包括陈钦亮、陈清木和陈如斯。但是，我们却没有看到像沙里ˑ马里肯、法立那样的候选人，或是其他的马来族候选人参选。这就是事实。我们必须清楚了解这点，也必须处理这个情况。

这是大趋势。选举可能每隔好几年才进行一次，但在我们的日常生活中，也有一些跟种族相关的问题需要处理。少数种族在找工作时有时会遭受歧视。一些房东有时也不愿将房子出租给少数种族。他们或许会给出一些理由，但是我们都清楚知道，这些房东偏向找特定族群的房客。人们在聊天或开玩笑时，也会谈到一些关于不同种族的刻板观念或印象。如果只是在熟识的朋友间聊聊天，那可能没什么问题。但是，对于不熟的朋友来说，可能就会造成误会。最近就发生了一起事件。一个临时围板上一名戴头巾的马来女孩的画像，遭人涂鸦写上了 “恐怖分子” 的字眼。

这就是我们必须面对的现实情况。由于华族在新加坡占绝大多数，所以华人或许没有察觉，也可能以为新加坡已经 “达到”多元种族社会的理想状态了。只有当新加坡华人去到别的国家，遭受到种族歧视时，才会意识到种族歧视的存在。如果你到美国、澳洲或是欧洲的某些地方去，你就能体会被人视为少数族群的感受了。

新加坡的年轻一代在和平与和谐的社会中成长，因此可能误以为种族课题在新加坡已经不是一个问题了。但事实并非如此。我们必须清楚知道自己的盲点，得作出特别努力，确保我们的少数族群能感受到自己在新加坡是受欢迎和被重视的。特别是华族社群，更应该努力让少数族群感受到自己在新加坡是受欢迎的。

民选总统制

这也是为什么我们修改宪法的原因：确保每隔一段时间少数种族都有机会成为总统，同时强化我国的多元种族国家身份。尽管单单拥有不同种族的总统本身，并不会使新加坡就此成为多元种族国家，但这是代表我国信念的重要象征，也是我们建设多元种族社会的宣言。它提醒着每一个国民，尤其是作为多数族群的华族，新加坡的每一个社群都有自己能扮演的角色。

新加坡自首任总统尤索夫以后，50多年来未曾拥有另一位马来族总统，但我很高兴我们如今有了哈莉玛总统。正如张志贤副总理在出席哈莉玛总统的宣誓就职仪式及唱国歌时所形容的：“这是一种很特别的感觉。”

我们花了将近两年时间对民选总统制度做出改革。自从去年1月我在本届国会开会时提出检讨民选总统制度后，我们就一直不断讨论和辩论这个议题。但直到保留总统选举机制启动，并且只有一人符合参选资格，人们才极为关注这个课题。

我能感受到当中的一些不满情绪。有些人认为政府在开倒车，走回种族政治的老路，但事实正相反：我们在做出必要的改变，强化我国多元种族的机制，以便继续团结全民向前迈进。如果政府没有这么做，我国很有可能在很长的一段时间都没有马来族总统。过了一阵子，新加坡的少数族群就会开始觉得被冷落，这是可以理解的。华族作为多数族群，对其他族群也可能变得更不敏感，这将削弱所有新加坡人共同的国家身份认同。

当我们在大约25年前推出民选总统制时，我们就知道要选出少数种族总统可能会有困难。事实上，当时的马来族新加坡人立刻就意识到未来不容易有马来族总统。但那时我们必须正视更迫切的问题——如何物色理想的总统候选人。因此，我们决定先观察事态发展。25年后的今天，是时候了。我们知道事态如何发展，以及未来颇长一段时间的走势。我们认为我们已经知道应该怎样去解决这个问题。

我们无需为我国多数族群一直努力确保少数族群能享有全面和平等的待遇而感到难为情，因为我们并不是唯一在选出国家元首这方面作出特别安排的国家。这样的安排在许多多元种族国家是必要的。这些国家通过宪法或公约做出刻意安排；让少数种族有机会以轮流或特别代表的方式，出任国家要职。例如，加拿大总督轮流由讲法语和讲英语的族群担任。新西兰也有少数族群，他们曾有印度裔血统的总督，现任总督则拥有毛利人血统。这并非偶然的例子。这些国家特地从少数族群里找出杰出人士担任国家元首。拥有900年历史的理想国度瑞士，总统也由德裔、法裔及意大利裔瑞士人轮流出任，因为一旦有公开选举，德裔瑞士籍候选人可能每次都会当选。这也是为什么我们必须做出安排。

尤索夫·伊萨先生是如何成为我国总统的？他不是通过选举方式选出，而是受委任的。为什么选他？李光耀先生特地找了一名马来族杰出人士来担任元首，因为他要向新加坡人和马来亚联邦政府证明，新加坡能和马来人合作，我们是马来亚和马来亚社会的一部分，而不是华人社会。因此，李光耀先生邀请尤索夫先生出任新加坡（自治邦）的元首，而他也答应了，并且在后来成为新加坡的首任总统。

今天，我们通过选举制度来选出总统，但我们需要机制来确保少数族群也有机会成为总统。我们如何做到这点呢？宪法委员会建议采用以间隔时间为基础的保留选举机制。这意味着如果在间隔一段长时间后没有马来族总统的话，来届总统选举将保留给马来族参选；若一段长时间没有印度族总统的话，则将保留给印度族参选。事实上委员会也建议，若间隔多年后没有华族总统，来届总统选举将保留给华族参选。其实，不需要为华族这么做，但华社认为没有作出同样安排有欠妥当，因此我们也接纳了这方面的建议。由此可见保留选举机制的敏感和重要性。

我是否知道这会是个难题？它将不受欢迎并导致我们流失选票？是的，我当然知道。如果我不知道这是敏感事项，我就不适合从政了。但我这么做，因为我坚信这样做是正确的，这个想法至今不变。

我国多元种族、多元宗教，包容和进步的社会并非自然形成，而是由我们打造出来的，需要我们加以守护和不断地强化，不容破坏。

哈莉玛总统在宣誓就职仪式上说，她理解为何一些国人不喜欢保留选举机制。同他们一样，她也期待假以时日不需要再依赖保留选举制，新加坡人会自然而然且不时选出不同种族的人当总统。我同样希望有朝一日，我们不需要通过这样的机制，来确保少数族群有机会出任总统。但我们还没有达到那样的境界，而这需要很长的一段时间才能实现。

在迈向这个理想状态的过程中，我们需要导绳和导轨，协助我们抵达目的地并防止我们失足。总统保留选举正是这样的一个导轨。

宣誓仪式过后，我在Instagram上载了一张我、哈莉玛总统和大法官梅达顺的照片，一个华族、马来族和印度族同在一张照片里的画面，就只有在新加坡才看得到的画面。一级方程式车赛期间，一名巴西访客看到照片后留言说，这是新加坡最奇妙的地方，他无法想象这种情况在其他地方发生。

这张照片的确很奇妙，因为它展现了新加坡多元种族、任人唯贤及全民团结一心的特质。这也正是新加坡人的特色。种族和谐不是一番能让大家产生共鸣的说辞或是一种窝心的感觉而已。我们需要在日常生活中以各种方式体现这一点。如果你有不同种族的邻居，就能庆祝彼此的节日，分享彼此的节日糕点如黄梨塔、香兰椰丝卷和印度圈圈饼等。你很可能因此就把减少甜食对抗糖尿病的决心给暂时忘了。但多元种族的社会不仅是如此而已，更重要的是能拥有来自不同族群、可以彼此分享喜怒哀乐的同事和挚友。大家能相互包容、求同存异；能够诚实面对我国的多元种族社会仍未臻完美，却有勇气和决心采取务实步骤，一步步迈向我们的理想社会。我们将继续以这样的方式扩大共同空间，增强互信，落实一个民族、一个国家、一个新加坡的愿景。

A Chinese translation of the transcript is available below.

RACE, MULTIRACIALISM AND SINGAPORE’S PLACE IN THE WORLD

Good morning everybody.

Why Multiracialism

Race has been a fundamental issue for Singapore from the very beginning of our nationhood. In 1965, on the day we became independent, Mr Lee Kuan Yew said Singapore is “not a Malay nation, not a Chinese nation, not an Indian nation. Everybody will have a place in Singapore.”

He said this to assure the minorities in Singapore that they would always be protected and not be treated worse than the majority. But he also said this to remind the Chinese majority never to oppress the non-Chinese, because they themselves had felt squatted upon when Singapore was in Malaysia. It was a two-part message – not only to reassure the minorities but at the same time, give a sober reminder to the majority not to over step their bounds, and make life miserable for those who are not the same colour as them. Why was this principle so important to us? There are two parts to this answer.

First, this was the fundamental ideal over which we fought with the central government in Malaysia. Our founding fathers – Lee Kuan Yew, Goh Keng Swee, S Rajaratnam, Othman Wok – they believed passionately in the vision of a multi-racial society. Where nobody would be favoured or disadvantaged because of the colour of his or her skin. Where everybody would have equal opportunities, feel kinship and brotherhood with people of different races and religions, and share the same Singapore nationality. Malaysia was different. The UMNO leaders in Kuala Lumpur (KL) – the central government – wanted one dominant race, i.e. Malay Malaysians, to enjoy special rights, while the Chinese, Indians and other citizens would forever be in a subordinate position. We fought that, and disagreed with them. Eventually, we separated from them because it could not be settled.  

The second reason we have to make a fundamental point about multiracialism is because Singapore is a Chinese-majority country, in a Malay-majority part of Southeast Asia. In the 1960s, 50 years ago, Singapore had already been perceived as a “Third China”. We were seen as a Chinese country, a proxy, a stooge for communist China, and not an independent player. If Singapore had been identified as a Chinese country, it would have caused problems with our neighbours. We would not have been able to live peacefully in Southeast Asia. So we had to make quite sure that people understood that we were an independent, multiracial country.

Therefore, our founding fathers made multiracialism the fundamental principle on which Singapore was founded, and enshrined it in our Constitution. They drafted the National Pledge, where we “pledge ourselves as one united people, regardless of race, language or religion”. 

Terrorism

In Southeast Asia, race and religion do not only affect society and politics, but also terrorism and violence. This has afflicted many countries in Southeast Asia. 

Hundreds of Indonesians and Malaysians have gone to join ISIS. A few have gone to Philippines, while hundreds have gone to the Middle East. There are some prominent Malaysian and Indonesian terrorists who are with ISIS in Syria and Iraq – Bahrun Naim, Bahrumsyah, Mohammed Saffan. They may be in the Middle East, but they are in full contact with their people back in Indonesia and Malaysia. They use Facebook; their Facebook is more powerful than mine. They use Telegram; definitely more powerful than mine. They spread propaganda to cultivate and recruit more to their cause. With social media, they can give orders and mount operations. They tell their sympathisers: Come to the Middle East, or if you can’t do that, go to the Philippines or do jihad in your own countries.

We are not insulated from terrorism. Every month or two, the Internal Security Department picks up one or two Singaporeans who have become self-radicalised. They are not down and out, and neither are they from the Middle East. They were born and raised in Singapore, educated in state schools. But they have become self-radicalised. Most are men, but there are even some young women. They want to join the militants in Syria, and do something violent in Singapore.

So it is not a question of “if”, but “when” a terrorist attack might happen in Singapore. Which is why even at today’s event, you can see that we have put in place precautions around Ci Yuan Community Centre. It is a lot of work, and I understand that it is inconvenient to residents, but it is necessary. We have to take this very seriously, and fortify ourselves not just physically, but also as a society – psychologically and emotionally as one people. And that means we need multiracialism.

Multiracialism by itself will not stop an attack. It can still happen because even if 99.99 per cent of Singaporeans believed in multiracialism, there would still be a handful who do not. But multiracialism will help us cope with the day after a terrible attack has happened –  when people are in shock, in pain, and feeling angry and fearful. It is very easy for an attack by terrorists – who act in the name of Islam – to cause a divide between Muslims and non-Muslims, and for us to become split as a society. Many people will be angry and scared. But if you have been working together at this through the IRCCs and SGSecure, and you have all our neighbourhood groups and religious leaders working together, then we can hold on together and let life go on as one people. That is why I recently held closed-door briefings to discuss the issue of terrorist threats. First for Muslim religious and community leaders, and then for a mixed group. The briefings were useful for them to understand how important and urgent the problem of terrorism is, and to get them on our side to help us to deal with it. They responded positively. I think we will have their full cooperation in working towards multicultural unity. 

Multiracialism in Singapore

Over the last 52 years, we made significant progress in becoming one people – regardless of race, language or religion. We take pride in our country, and in our identity. We have worked together, built together, mourned together, and celebrated together as one people.

But you must remember that what we have here is not something natural, nor something which will stay there by itself. It is the result of very hard work, a lot of toil and sweat, and the gradual education and bringing together of people. It was also because of the gradual inculcation of shared values and attitudes that we came to have the confidence, trust and mutual respect to make us one people. We brought people together and consciously created common spaces and opportunities. We used English as our common working language, while ensuring a place for our mother tongues. We mixed all races together in HDB estates, so that there are no enclaves or ghettos in Singapore. In schools, we recite the Pledge every day. We created GRCs so that in Parliament we will always minorities represented. We came down hard on extremists – regardless of whether they were Chinese chauvinists or Malay, Indian or Hindu extremists – because they have to understand that this is what Singapore is, and this is how Singapore will act when racial chauvinists try to stir up sentiments against others.

Sometimes we think we have arrived, and that we can do away with these provisions and rules which feel like such a burden. But in fact, it is the other way around. It is precisely because we have these provisions and rules, that we have achieved racial and religious harmony. 

We have not yet arrived at an ideal state of accepting people of a different race. Yes, we have made progress, but it is work in progress. 

Last year, the Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) did a survey. They asked people what they thought about being with someone of a different race. First, ‘Are you okay with somebody of a different race being your colleague?’ No problem. ‘Are you okay with somebody of a different race being your business partner?’ Here, they have to think a bit more carefully. ‘Are you okay with a person of a different race becoming your daughter-in-law?’ Very difficult. But this is the reality. We are friends and citizens together but there are different circles of trust. One of these circles is being of the same religion and race. 

IPS did a different survey with CNA and asked: ‘Are you okay with a person of a different race being President?’ The answer was: ‘I have to be more careful than having my colleague at the next desk work with me, but it is a bit easier than having a son-in-law or a daughter-in-law’. I think that is an honest answer. We are not completely colour-blind, and this makes a difference. It will influence our thinking and choices, either consciously or unconsciously. Therefore, it is harder for a minority – a Malay or Indian or Eurasian – to win an open election for president, than it is for a Chinese. 

I think you can accept it when I tell it to you like this. But when you make these arguments outside, people get worked up about the reserved election. They wish this bias were not true. But I just give you one fact.

This time we had a reserved election. There were three Malay candidates who came forward, of whom two did not qualify – but they came forward. Then you look the presidential election in 2011. It was hotly contested. A lot of people thought the Government needed to be checked. Was there a Malay candidate? Where were the Farid Khans and the Salleh Maricans? Why didn’t they come? It did not cross their minds? No. So why didn’t they come? Because they knew that in an open election – all things being equal – a non-Chinese candidate would have no chance. So you had Tan Kin Lian, Tan Cheng Bock, and Tan Jee Say. But you did not have a Marican, nor a Khan or any other Malay candidate. It is a reality. We have to know this, we have to manage this.

These are the big trends. Elections only happen once in a while. But even in our day-to-day lives, we have racial issues that we have to deal with. Minorities sometimes face discrimination when looking for jobs. Sometimes, landlords prefer not to have minorities rent a house from them. These landlords will give some reasons, but you know it is because they prefer to look for a tenant who is of a certain race. Racial stereotypes persist in conversations and jokes. If you are amongst close friends, it is okay. For friends who are not so close, it can cause misunderstandings. There was a recent incident where someone put up a decoration with a young Malay girl’s picture on a construction hoarding. It showed her wearing a tudung. And after that, somebody went and pencilled “terrorist” on the picture.  

These are the realities we have to manage. The Chinese in Singapore may not realise it, because the Chinese are the majority race. They may think that Singapore has “arrived” as a multiracial society. You only get small reminders from time to time, when you go to a different country, and there you encounter racism. If you go to America or Australia or somewhere in Europe, you may know what it feels like to be treated as a minority.

The younger ones have only known peace and harmony in Singapore, and it is very easy to believe that race does not matter anymore. But this is not so. We have to know our blind spots, and make a special effort to ensure our minority communities feel welcomed and valued in Singapore. The Chinese community particularly must make a special effort to make the minorities feel welcome in Singapore.

Elected Presidency

This is why we amended the Constitution to ensure that minorities regularly have a chance to be the President, and to strengthen ourselves as a multiracial country. Just having multiracial Presidents will not in itself make Singapore a multiracial country. But it is one important symbol of what Singapore stands for, and a declaration of what we aspire to be. It is a reminder to every citizen, especially the Chinese majority race, that there is a role for every community in Singapore. 

We have not had a Malay President since our very first President, Encik Yusof Ishak, more than 50 years ago. But I am very happy that we now have Mdm Halimah Yacob as our President. As DPM Teo said when we were attending her swearing-in, and singing Majulah Singapura: “It is a special feeling”. 

We have spent nearly two years preparing to make this move. Ever since I raised the subject when Parliament opened in January 2016, we have been discussing and debating this continually. But it is only now that people are seized with it, after a reserved election in which only one candidate qualified. 

There was some unhappiness. I can feel that; you do not have to tell me. People think we may be going backwards, towards racial politics. But actually the reality is the opposite: We are making necessary changes to strengthen our multiracial system, in order to continue to progress as one united people. If we did nothing, it was very likely that we would not have had a Malay president for a very long time. After a while, the minorities in Singapore would start to feel left out, and understandably so. The Chinese majority might also become less sensitive to other races. This would weaken our sense of shared nationhood for all Singaporeans.

When we created the elected presidency about 25 years ago, we knew that we might have trouble electing minority Presidents. In fact, Malay Singaporeans at that time immediately sensed this – that it would be difficult to have a Malay President in future. But at that time we had to address the more pressing issue – how to find good candidates to be President. So we decided to observe and see how things developed. Now after 25 years, it is time. We know how things have developed, and how they are likely to be for quite a long time to come. We think we know what to do in order to mend this problem.

We should not be shy to acknowledge that in Singapore, the majority is making a special effort to ensure that minorities enjoy full and equal treatment. We are not unique in making special arrangements for our Head of State. It is necessary in many multiracial countries. They make deliberate arrangements – either constitutional rules or conventions – but they have some kind of rotation or special representations for the minorities. Canada’s Governor-General alternates between the French-speaking and English-speaking communities. In New Zealand, they have minorities too. They have had a Governor-General of Indian-descent, and the current Governor-General has Maori blood. These examples do not happen by chance. In these countries, they specifically looked for distinguished individuals from minority communities to be the Head of State. Switzerland – an ideal country, 900 years of nationhood – they have got Swiss Germans, Swiss French, Swiss Italians, and their President rotates between these three groups. Because if you just have an open election, the Swiss Germans would probably win every time. That is why we have to make arrangements. 

How did we have Encik Yusof Ishak as President? It was not an election, but a choice. How was the choice made? Mr Lee Kuan Yew specifically looked for a distinguished Malay. Why? Because he wanted to show Singaporeans and the Federation of Malaya that we can work with the Malays, that we are part of Malaya, and we are one Malayan society, and not a Chinese society. So he asked Encik Yusof Ishak, who agreed and became our Yang di-Pertuan Negara, and later our first President. 

Today, our Presidents are chosen by election. But we need to have mechanisms in place so that minorities have a chance. How did we do that? The Constitutional Commission recommended a hiatus-based mechanism, with reserved elections for the Presidency. This meant that if there was no Malay President for a long time, the next election would be reserved for a Malay. No Indian President for a long time, and the next election would be reserved for an Indian. In fact, for good measure the Commission said that if there was no Chinese President for a long time, then the next election would be reserved for the Chinese. Actually, there was no need to do so for the Chinese. But the Chinese community felt that if you did not also make provisions for the Chinese, something was not right under the sun.  So we did it, and this shows you just how sensitive and necessary the mechanism is. 

Conclusion 

Did I know that this subject would be a difficult one? That it would be unpopular and cost us votes? Yes, I knew. If I do not know that these are sensitive matters, I cannot be in politics. But I did it, because I strongly believe, and still do, that this is the right thing to do. 

There is nothing natural about where we are – multiracial, multi-religious, tolerant and progressive. We made it happen, and we have got to protect it, nurture it, preserve it, and never break it. 

President Halimah said at her swearing-in ceremony that she could understand why people did not like the reserved election. And like them, she looks forward to the day when we no longer need it, and Singaporeans naturally and regularly elect citizens of all races as President. I too hope that we will eventually not need such a mechanism to ensure minority representation. But we are not there yet, and it will take a long time to happen.

In climbing towards that ideal state, we need guide-ropes and guard-rails to help us get there and to prevent us from falling off along the way. The reserved election for the President is one such guard-rail. 

After the swearing-in, I posted a picture on Instagram of myself, President Halimah and Chief Justice Sundaresh Menon. A Chinese, a Malay, and an Indian – only in Singapore. During the F1, one international visitor from Brazil saw the picture and commented on it. He said it was most amazing what we have in Singapore. He could not imagine it happening anywhere else. 

In fact, it is amazing. It shows what Singapore is – multiracial, meritocratic, one flag, one people. That is what makes us Singaporean. It is not just resonant rhetoric, or a warm, fuzzy feeling. We have to live it out daily, in little ways and big. You have a neighbour of a different race, and you can celebrate each other’s festivals. Share pineapple tarts, kueh dadar and murukku –  many reasons to break your diabetes vows! But it is also much more than that. It is about having colleagues and true friends from different races whom we laugh and cry with. It is about being able to accommodate one another and to work through our differences. It is about having the honesty to recognise that our multiracialism is not yet perfect, but having the courage and determination to take pragmatic steps to get there, step by step. That is how we will continue to expand our common space, strengthen trust, and become one people, one nation, one Singapore. 

Thank you.

“种族、多元种族及新加坡在世界上的地位”

自建国以来，种族课题一直是新加坡所面对的重要课题。1965年，建国总理李光耀在独立当天这么说过：“新加坡并非一个马来人的国家，也不是一个华人国家，或是一个印度人的国家。在新加坡，每个人都会有平等的地位。”

他说这番话的目的，是为了向新加坡的少数族群保证，他们的地位时刻会获得保障，所受到的待遇将不会比多数族群来得差；同时提醒作为多数族群的华人不应该欺压非华人，因为他们自己也曾在新加坡加入马来西亚联邦时受到欺压。这番话传达了两个重要信息——在安抚少数族群的当儿，也严厉提醒多数族群不要越线，不可让跟他们肤色不同的人生活在痛苦中。为什么这个治国原则对我们如此重要？这当中有两个原因。

首先，我们就是为了这个根本信念而跟马来西亚的中央政府发生冲突。我们的建国元勋李光耀、吴庆瑞、拉惹勒南和奥斯曼渥坚守建立多元种族社会的信念。在这个社会里，没有人会因为他们的肤色而获得特别待遇或处于劣势。大家都有公平的机会，不同种族和不同宗教的人士之间互敬互爱，拥有共同的国籍身份。马来西亚则有不同主张。在吉隆坡的马来民族统一机构（巫统）领袖，也就是当时的中央政府，希望建立马来人至上，马来人的马来西亚；马来人可享有特权，华人、印度人和其他公民则永远处于从属地位。我们的建国领袖反对这样的做法，与他们产生争执。由于双方的分歧无法解决，新加坡最终脱离马来西亚独立。

我们必须以多元种族主义为治国原则的第二个原因是：新加坡位处东南亚以马来人居多的区域，但却是个以华人居多的国家。大概50年前，1960年代的时候，新加坡被视为“第三中国”，被看成是一个华人国家，是共产中国的代理和傀儡，而不是一个独立国家。如果新加坡被认定为华人国家，这将对新加坡与邻国之间造成问题。我们将无法在东南亚过平静的日子。因此，我们必须确保人们清楚明白，新加坡是一个独立的多元种族国家。

因此，我们的建国元勋将多元种族确立为新加坡建国的根本原则，并把它载入我国宪法。他们在起草新加坡的国家信约时强调：“誓愿不分种族、言语、宗教，团结一致”。

恐怖主义

在东南亚，种族和宗教课题不仅影响社会和政治层面，也导致恐怖主义和暴力活动。许多东南亚国家都深受其害。

我们知道已有数以百计的印度尼西亚人和马来西亚人前去加入伊斯兰国组织。一些去了菲律宾，但多数是去了中东。有几名马来西亚和印尼恐怖分子特别引人注目，他们到叙利亚和伊拉克加入伊国组织，例如巴赫仑˖纳伊姆（Bahrun Naim）、巴鲁姆沙（Bahrumsyah）和莫哈末·萨凡（Mohammed Saffan）。他们虽然人在中东，却依然与印尼和马来西亚的伙伴保持密切联系。他们使用面簿（Facebook），也使用Telegram，他们展开各种宣传，培养和招募更多激分子加入他们的行列。他们可以通过社交媒体下令组织成员展开攻击。他们呼吁同情他们的人：到中东来吧！如果没法前去中东，就去菲律宾或在自己的国家进行圣战。

我们无法免于恐怖主义的危害。内部安全局每隔一两个月，都会拘留一或两名自我激进化新加坡人。他们并非穷途潦倒的人，也不是来自中东。他们在新加坡土生土长，上过政府学校。不过，他们还是自我激进化。他们以男性居多，但也有一些是年轻女性。他们想要加入叙利亚武装分子的行列，在新加坡执行暴力攻击行动。

因此，发生恐怖袭击对新加坡而言，已经“不是万一，而是何时”的问题。我们必须认真对待防恐课题，除了加强我们的防恐能力，也需要加强我们社会的心理防卫力量，全民团结起来，一起防恐。这意味我们需要和谐的多元种族关系。

多元种族主义本身并不能阻止恐怖袭击的发生。即使99.9%的新加坡人相信多元种族的重要性，还是会有一小部分的国人不认同。不过，多元种族理念却能够协助我们在遭遇恐袭后的隔天，应付种种状况。当人们震惊、痛苦、愤怒和恐惧的时候，恐怖分子以宗教名义所执行的恐怖袭击，轻易就能分化回教徒和非回教徒以及分裂我们的社会。许多人会对此感到愤怒和害怕。但通过族群与宗教互信圈和全国保家安民计划，以及社区团体和宗教领袖之间的合作，我们将能维护我们的多元种族社会；大家团结一致，一起度过难关，继续正常生活。这也是为什么最近我跟宗教和社区领袖举行了闭门对话会，讨论有关恐怖威胁的课题。首先是与回教领袖和社区领袖对话，接着是其他族群。对话会有助于这些宗教和社区领袖了解恐怖主义威胁是重要和紧迫的课题，进而愿意跟我们一起携手应对这个威胁。与会领袖们的反应十分良好。我认为我们在促进多元种族团结的事情上，会得到他们的全力配合。

新加坡的多元种族主义

过去52年来，我们取得了很大的进步。新加坡人民不分种族、言语、宗教，团结一致。我们为新加坡感到骄傲，也为身为新加坡人而感到自豪。我们一起共同努力，携手创造家园，举国哀悼，也举国欢庆。

但切记，我们今天所拥有的一切并非自然形成，也不会自然而然地维持下去。这一切都是我们努力辛劳的成果，也是我们一步步教育和团结国人的结果。正因为我们逐步地灌输共同的价值观和态度，国人建立起了信心、信任以及对彼此的尊重，全民团结一致。我们有意识地创造共同空间和机会，把新加坡人凝聚在一起。我们在确保仍然保留母语的情况下，使用英语作为共同的工作语言。我们让不同种族的国人住在同个组屋区内，确保不会有单一族群聚居的现象。在学校，我们每天都一起宣读信约。为确保国会里有少数种族代表，我们实施了集选区制度。我们严厉对付极端主义分子——无论是华文沙文主义者或马来族、印度族、兴都教极端分子。因为我们必须让他们了解，这是新加坡社会，当任何种族主义者想尝试煽动对其他种族的情绪，这就是新加坡的回应方式。

我们或许以为我们已经达到了理想境界，可以免去这些看似沉重的规章和条文。但事实正好相反。正是因为我们有这些规章和条文，我们才能享有今天的种族和宗教和谐。

在这一次的保留选举中，有三名马来族候选人站出来表态要参选。尽管其中两位候选人没有获得合格证书，但是他们都表达了参选的意愿。让我们回过头来看2011年那场竞争激烈的总统选举。当时，许多人都认为需要有人来监督政府。当时是否有马来族候选人参选？有没有像法立和沙里ˑ马里肯那样的人士出现？这些人为什么没有站出来参选？难道他们没有参选意愿吗？不是的。那他们为什么不参选？因为他们都清楚知道，在所有条件都相同的情况下，非华族候选人在开放选举中是没有机会胜出的。当时参选的人包括陈钦亮、陈清木和陈如斯。但是，我们却没有看到像沙里ˑ马里肯、法立那样的候选人，或是其他的马来族候选人参选。这就是事实。我们必须清楚了解这点，也必须处理这个情况。

这是大趋势。选举可能每隔好几年才进行一次，但在我们的日常生活中，也有一些跟种族相关的问题需要处理。少数种族在找工作时有时会遭受歧视。一些房东有时也不愿将房子出租给少数种族。他们或许会给出一些理由，但是我们都清楚知道，这些房东偏向找特定族群的房客。人们在聊天或开玩笑时，也会谈到一些关于不同种族的刻板观念或印象。如果只是在熟识的朋友间聊聊天，那可能没什么问题。但是，对于不熟的朋友来说，可能就会造成误会。最近就发生了一起事件。一个临时围板上一名戴头巾的马来女孩的画像，遭人涂鸦写上了 “恐怖分子” 的字眼。

这就是我们必须面对的现实情况。由于华族在新加坡占绝大多数，所以华人或许没有察觉，也可能以为新加坡已经 “达到”多元种族社会的理想状态了。只有当新加坡华人去到别的国家，遭受到种族歧视时，才会意识到种族歧视的存在。如果你到美国、澳洲或是欧洲的某些地方去，你就能体会被人视为少数族群的感受了。

新加坡的年轻一代在和平与和谐的社会中成长，因此可能误以为种族课题在新加坡已经不是一个问题了。但事实并非如此。我们必须清楚知道自己的盲点，得作出特别努力，确保我们的少数族群能感受到自己在新加坡是受欢迎和被重视的。特别是华族社群，更应该努力让少数族群感受到自己在新加坡是受欢迎的。

民选总统制

这也是为什么我们修改宪法的原因：确保每隔一段时间少数种族都有机会成为总统，同时强化我国的多元种族国家身份。尽管单单拥有不同种族的总统本身，并不会使新加坡就此成为多元种族国家，但这是代表我国信念的重要象征，也是我们建设多元种族社会的宣言。它提醒着每一个国民，尤其是作为多数族群的华族，新加坡的每一个社群都有自己能扮演的角色。

新加坡自首任总统尤索夫以后，50多年来未曾拥有另一位马来族总统，但我很高兴我们如今有了哈莉玛总统。正如张志贤副总理在出席哈莉玛总统的宣誓就职仪式及唱国歌时所形容的：“这是一种很特别的感觉。”

我们花了将近两年时间对民选总统制度做出改革。自从去年1月我在本届国会开会时提出检讨民选总统制度后，我们就一直不断讨论和辩论这个议题。但直到保留总统选举机制启动，并且只有一人符合参选资格，人们才极为关注这个课题。

我能感受到当中的一些不满情绪。有些人认为政府在开倒车，走回种族政治的老路，但事实正相反：我们在做出必要的改变，强化我国多元种族的机制，以便继续团结全民向前迈进。如果政府没有这么做，我国很有可能在很长的一段时间都没有马来族总统。过了一阵子，新加坡的少数族群就会开始觉得被冷落，这是可以理解的。华族作为多数族群，对其他族群也可能变得更不敏感，这将削弱所有新加坡人共同的国家身份认同。

当我们在大约25年前推出民选总统制时，我们就知道要选出少数种族总统可能会有困难。事实上，当时的马来族新加坡人立刻就意识到未来不容易有马来族总统。但那时我们必须正视更迫切的问题——如何物色理想的总统候选人。因此，我们决定先观察事态发展。25年后的今天，是时候了。我们知道事态如何发展，以及未来颇长一段时间的走势。我们认为我们已经知道应该怎样去解决这个问题。

我们无需为我国多数族群一直努力确保少数族群能享有全面和平等的待遇而感到难为情，因为我们并不是唯一在选出国家元首这方面作出特别安排的国家。这样的安排在许多多元种族国家是必要的。这些国家通过宪法或公约做出刻意安排；让少数种族有机会以轮流或特别代表的方式，出任国家要职。例如，加拿大总督轮流由讲法语和讲英语的族群担任。新西兰也有少数族群，他们曾有印度裔血统的总督，现任总督则拥有毛利人血统。这并非偶然的例子。这些国家特地从少数族群里找出杰出人士担任国家元首。拥有900年历史的理想国度瑞士，总统也由德裔、法裔及意大利裔瑞士人轮流出任，因为一旦有公开选举，德裔瑞士籍候选人可能每次都会当选。这也是为什么我们必须做出安排。

尤索夫·伊萨先生是如何成为我国总统的？他不是通过选举方式选出，而是受委任的。为什么选他？李光耀先生特地找了一名马来族杰出人士来担任元首，因为他要向新加坡人和马来亚联邦政府证明，新加坡能和马来人合作，我们是马来亚和马来亚社会的一部分，而不是华人社会。因此，李光耀先生邀请尤索夫先生出任新加坡（自治邦）的元首，而他也答应了，并且在后来成为新加坡的首任总统。

今天，我们通过选举制度来选出总统，但我们需要机制来确保少数族群也有机会成为总统。我们如何做到这点呢？宪法委员会建议采用以间隔时间为基础的保留选举机制。这意味着如果在间隔一段长时间后没有马来族总统的话，来届总统选举将保留给马来族参选；若一段长时间没有印度族总统的话，则将保留给印度族参选。事实上委员会也建议，若间隔多年后没有华族总统，来届总统选举将保留给华族参选。其实，不需要为华族这么做，但华社认为没有作出同样安排有欠妥当，因此我们也接纳了这方面的建议。由此可见保留选举机制的敏感和重要性。

我是否知道这会是个难题？它将不受欢迎并导致我们流失选票？是的，我当然知道。如果我不知道这是敏感事项，我就不适合从政了。但我这么做，因为我坚信这样做是正确的，这个想法至今不变。

我国多元种族、多元宗教，包容和进步的社会并非自然形成，而是由我们打造出来的，需要我们加以守护和不断地强化，不容破坏。

哈莉玛总统在宣誓就职仪式上说，她理解为何一些国人不喜欢保留选举机制。同他们一样，她也期待假以时日不需要再依赖保留选举制，新加坡人会自然而然且不时选出不同种族的人当总统。我同样希望有朝一日，我们不需要通过这样的机制，来确保少数族群有机会出任总统。但我们还没有达到那样的境界，而这需要很长的一段时间才能实现。

在迈向这个理想状态的过程中，我们需要导绳和导轨，协助我们抵达目的地并防止我们失足。总统保留选举正是这样的一个导轨。

宣誓仪式过后，我在Instagram上载了一张我、哈莉玛总统和大法官梅达顺的照片，一个华族、马来族和印度族同在一张照片里的画面，就只有在新加坡才看得到的画面。一级方程式车赛期间，一名巴西访客看到照片后留言说，这是新加坡最奇妙的地方，他无法想象这种情况在其他地方发生。

这张照片的确很奇妙，因为它展现了新加坡多元种族、任人唯贤及全民团结一心的特质。这也正是新加坡人的特色。种族和谐不是一番能让大家产生共鸣的说辞或是一种窝心的感觉而已。我们需要在日常生活中以各种方式体现这一点。如果你有不同种族的邻居，就能庆祝彼此的节日，分享彼此的节日糕点如黄梨塔、香兰椰丝卷和印度圈圈饼等。你很可能因此就把减少甜食对抗糖尿病的决心给暂时忘了。但多元种族的社会不仅是如此而已，更重要的是能拥有来自不同族群、可以彼此分享喜怒哀乐的同事和挚友。大家能相互包容、求同存异；能够诚实面对我国的多元种族社会仍未臻完美，却有勇气和决心采取务实步骤，一步步迈向我们的理想社会。我们将继续以这样的方式扩大共同空间，增强互信，落实一个民族、一个国家、一个新加坡的愿景。

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