SM Lee Hsien Loong at the 2026 ABC Boyer Lecture Series

Australia’s history in the Asia Pacific

Australia’s engagement with the Asia Pacific traces back almost a century.

Australia has been involved in every major conflict here, beginning with World War II. Then, your troops fought bravely in Southeast Asia, suffering many casualties. Thousands were incarcerated in Changi Prison as prisoners of war. Till today, former POWs and their families visit the Changi Chapel – a powerful symbol of quiet defiance and spiritual resilience.

After the War, Australia continued to play a major security role in the region. The British withdrawal from East of Suez in the late 1960s left Malaysia and Singapore exposed and vulnerable. In 1971, Australia joined the Five Power Defence Arrange­ments (FPDA) to strengthen their security. Till today, the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) regularly deploys fighter jets and maritime patrol aircraft to Malaysia and Singapore. In a totally different strategic environment, these half-century old defence arrangements have found new relevance.

Beyond the FPDA, Australia has kept up extensive defence ties across the region. You host Exercise Pitch Black for air forces from many countries, including Singapore. The Royal Military College Duntroon has educated generations of foreign officer cadets. We have built familiarity and trust with each other. When Singaporean and Australian troops serve alongside each other in UN and international operations, as we did in East Timor, Afghanistan, and the Middle East, we interoperate well.

Australia’s economic ties with the Asia Pacific are likewise extensive. Historically, your trade was predominantly with Britain and the Commonwealth. But after Britain turned to Europe, and as the Asian economies took off, the centre of gravity shifted. Today, your biggest trading partner is China. Your next biggest trading partner is Southeast Asia. Even the US only ranks third. Australia exports to Asia not just minerals and goods like iron, coal, beef and wine; but also services like education and tourism.

Beyond trading, Australia has actively fostered regional economic integration. In the late 1980s, the idea of an Asia Pacific economic grouping was in the air. Several countries tried to crystallise the concept. But in the end, it was deft Australian diplomacy that brought together twelve economies to form the APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation) group. Today, APEC comprises 21 economies, accounting for over three-fifths of global GDP and almost half of world trade.

More recently, Australia played an important role in creating the CPTPP – the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership. After the US pulled out at the eleventh hour, Malcolm Turnbull worked actively with Abe Shinzo of Japan to push the deal forward with the remaining 11 countries. The result was the CPTPP – an important trade agreement in its own right. Post-Brexit, the UK has now joined the CPTPP, and several more applicants are in the queue. None of this would have happened but for Australia’s leadership, and its steadfast commitment to free trade and regional integration.

Another important aspect of Australia’s links with Asia is our people-to-people ties.

The Colombo Plan brought thousands of students to study in Australia from the 1950s onwards. Quite a few of my own classmates in school, and colleagues in government, were Colombo Plan scholars. Without these scholarships, they might not have been able to afford a university education, and certainly not one overseas.

The New Colombo Plan, launched by Tony Abbott and Julie Bishop (in 2014), goes in the outbound direction. It has enabled 55,000 young Australians to experience Asia, forging understanding and connections among a new generation.

When Singapore and Australia were negotiating our Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (in 2016), Australia proposed Work-Holiday Visas, for youths on both sides to experience each other’s countries. Our officials had concerns that Australian youths, boisterous and unused to Singapore’s strict rules, might get into trouble. But I overruled the reservations and we proceeded. The scheme has worked well; youthful exuberance has not proved a problem.

On a personal note, as a teenager I visited Australia on a student exchange. I stayed with a family in Melbourne, and have kept in touch with them all these years.

Such personal ties and experiences, multiplied many-fold, have helped Australians and Asians befriend each other, and work well together.

The evolving strategic environment

Australia’s engagement of Asia took place within an evolving strategic environment: from the British Empire, through the British withdrawal East of Suez, to the Pax Americana, through the rise of China still within Pax Americana, and now to a more hotly contested Asia Pacific region.

Your policy reflected historical and kinship ties, but also objective assessments of your own national interests. Successive Australian governments recognised a fundamental reality – that Australia’s security and prosperity are inseparable from Southeast Asia and the Pacific. As Robert Menzies famously put it, Asia is not Australia’s Far East, but its Near North.

On their part, regional countries have welcomed Australia’s engagement. You have brought capabilities and resources. You have contributed to regional stability and prosperity. You support institutions and principles that matter to us: a global order based on international law, especially freedom of navigation under UNCLOS (United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea).

Australia’s close links with the US on one side, and with the region on the other, have helped to foster an open and inclusive region, and to prevent rival closed blocs from forming on opposite shores of the Pacific.

A changed world

Now, the global environment has changed significantly. Great power rivalry is intense. Multilateralism is breaking down. The US – the erstwhile anchor of the global order – is reassessing its role in the world. National security and resilience increasingly claim precedence over economic efficiency. Trade dependencies are being weaponised. Interdependence, once valued as a source of stability and mutual benefit, is now viewed as a strategic vulnerability.

In our region, China’s strategic and economic weight has grown enormously, and is increasingly being felt by other countries. Pax Americana is no longer uncontested.

The US will always be a Pacific power, but its relationships with allies and partners have fundamentally altered. On security, America now expects its allies to “shoulder more responsibility for their own defence”. On trade, the shift is even sharper. The US used to champion free trade and the World Trade Organisation (WTO). It supported the idea of a Free Trade Area of the Asia Pacific (FTAAP). Now it rejects the WTO multilateral framework. It levies tariffs on almost every country in the world, including allies and partners.

This is no longer the international order that underpinned Asia’s stability and prosperity for decades.

Looking ahead

A more contested region presents countries with hard choices. The reflex may be to turn inward, but no country can secure its future alone. Resilience comes not only from self-sufficiency, but also from partnerships and networks that a country can call upon in a crisis.

Neither does geography change. Countries must stay invested in their near-abroad. They neglect their neighbourhood at their cost.

How should Australia and other regional countries respond to this brave new world?    

Firstly, we still prefer an open and inclusive region, not dominated by a single power nor divided into opposing camps. In Southeast Asia, we describe this as having overlapping circles of friends. Your circle may not coincide with mine, but that should not prevent us from being friends with each other.

For example, different ASEAN members have different relationships with the major powers. Some are treaty allies of the US. Others have closer ties with China. Yet we all come together as ASEAN and cooperate extensively, including on economic integration, food and energy resilience, and regional security. We also engage all the major powers through forums like the East Asia Summit and the ASEAN Regional Forum.

This approach does not eliminate differences. But it gives us more reasons to cooperate, and more channels to manage disagreements. That makes for a stabler region than drawing a line in the sand and forcing everyone to choose sides.

Next, countries still want good ties with the US and hope it will stay engaged in the Asia-Pacific. This will make for a better regional balance and create more space for smaller countries to chart their own destinies.

Many countries are now working out how best to advance their ties with the US, while becoming more self-reliant and protecting their strategic interests.

Singapore is not a treaty ally of the US, but a Major Security Cooperation Partner. We have always worked on the basis that in extremis, Singapo­reans will have to rely on ourselves to fight and defend our homes and families.

Australia is a treaty ally of the US, doubly so now with AUKUS. Yet even in Australia, there are voices calling for Australians “to be more self-reliant… to chart [your] own futures, and [to] do so recognizing that your interests may not always be coextensive with that of the US”, to quote Malcolm Turnbull. It is a very different tone from the turn of the century, when The Bulletin even suggested that Australia should be the “deputy sheriff” to the US.

Other US allies are also seeking greater self-reliance in their own ways. In South Korea, there is public debate about developing their own nuclear deterrence. Japan is substantially increasing its defence budget, and its defence minister has called for the country to discuss nuclear deterrence “without taboos”.

However, self-reliance needs to be complemented by friends and partners. That may explain why ties between South Korea and Japan, historically difficult, have recently warmed up.

Australia’s regional partners, beyond New Zealand, are in Asia, and especially Southeast Asia. The deeper your relationships are across Asia, the more space you will have to pursue your own interests. There are abundant opportunities to engage Asian countries through win-win projects, whether in the digital and green economies, public health, or counterterrorism. The more different dimensions our projects encompass, the more we will see each other as partners in development, and not solely through the prism of US-China rivalry. Australia is not a Southeast Asian country, but it should be a very close partner of ASEAN, especially in an age where small and medium-sized powers need to work together more than ever.

Deepening engagement

How then should Australia deepen your engagement with Asia?

First, in defence and security, please stay present in the region. With like-minded countries, grow and enhance your existing partnerships. These relationships have been ongoing for decades, and are greatly valued by both sides.

With countries where ties are more complicated, we hope you will never­theless maintain contact and pragmatic working arrangements. Both sides will naturally want to safeguard your respective interests. Security and trust issues will inevitably arise from time to time. Yet the reality is, these countries include your most important export markets, and the trade benefits both sides. These countries also have a major influence in regional affairs, which will likely grow over time. Both sides should therefore strive to understand each other better, and keep relations stable.

Also, between armed forces, working channels of communication are important, especially should some incident occur. It is impossible to keep major power rivalries entirely out of the region. But it is possible for countries to work together to manage the rivalries and avoid miscalculations and mishaps.

Security depends not just on a balance of military power, but also on a sound regional architecture. Australia has proven strengths as an institution-builder. You have the diplomatic weight, economic resources and long­standing relation­ships across the region. You have been able to bring countries together to build coalitions and institutions, as APEC and the CPTPP prove. In a fragmented world, this role will become even more valuable – building practical arrange­ments on trade, pandemic preparedness, and climate change. This way, Australia can play a positive strategic role: not just balancing relations with America and China, but shaping a sound regional architecture which benefits everyone.

Second, Australia should keep your economy open and connected to Asia. Your trade with Southeast Asia is substantial and growing. But your investment footprint is more modest. ASEAN is the fifth largest economy in the world, a market of 700 million people with a growing middle class. Yet Australia invests no more in the ASEAN countries put together than it does in New Zealand.

There is considerable scope to invest more in Southeast Asia. Australia has strong capabilities in critical minerals, agri-business, renewable energy, and digital and deep tech. Southeast Asia has upstream and downstream companies that complement such Australian projects, which can supply to and offtake from them. By investing more in the region, Australian businesses can strengthen their competitiveness and supply chains. I am glad that PM Albanese, recognising this, has launched a “Southeast Asia 2040” strategy to deepen two-way trade and investment.

At the same time, we should not give up on the multilateral trading system. It remains important to have rules that apply to all, big or small. Many countries still value the WTO framework. We should do our best to uphold, reform and strengthen it where we can. For example, Singapore and Australia, together with Japan, co-convened talks at the WTO, which successfully negotiated the Agreement on Electronic Commerce (ECA). What was our aim? To keep alive the possibility of broader cooperation, for the day when circumstances become more favourable.

But we must also be pragmatic. Where global consensus is not possible, we should pursue next-best solutions. This means making full use of existing trade agreements, updating and extending them, and linking them up with other major economic groupings, such as the EU.

Staying open and connected can actually make Australia more resilient. For example, recently, Singapore and Australia concluded an agreement on essential supplies like diesel, petrol, and natural gas, to keep them flowing in both directions during crises and disruptions. Food supplies, too, could benefit from similar arrangements. These are practical ways to secure our supply chains through mutual trust and cooperation.

Finally, let us nurture our people-to-people ties. The original Colombo Plan and the New Colombo Plan have gained Australia many friends and lasting good­will. On a bigger scale, over the years, a large Asian community has grown in Australia. When you opened your doors, immigrants flowed in, settled down and built lives down under. People born overseas now make up one-third of Australian residents. Many came from Asia, including 70,000 from Singapore.

These human connections draw Australia and Asia closer. They give Australians a deeper familiarity with the region, and Asians a personal connection with Australia. They are also a source of strength for Australian society. PM Albanese put it well:

“The fact that we have diaspora from everywhere in the world that connects us up in a human way is … an enormous asset for us … And we shouldn’t take that for granted. We should see that as an asset that we can seize.”

In many countries, immigration has become a bitterly contested issue. Speaking from Singapore’s own experience, immigration requires sensitive political handling. The pace of inflows; the mix of the new arrivals; their commitment to national ideals; and integration into the broader community − all these must be closely watched and managed. Above all, citizens need to feel that their interests are being looked after, and that they continue to have a stake in their own society. Otherwise, public support can quickly erode.

Each country has to reach its own consensus on immigration. Australia has long sought to be an open and plural society. Your ties with the region will be stronger when Asian tourists feel welcome, Asian students feel safe and at home, and Australians of different origins live harmoniously together in a multi-ethnic society.

Australia and Singapore

Physically, Australia and Singapore are very different. You are a huge continent rich in natural resources. We are a tiny island with none. But our two peoples and societies are very similar. Our social ethos is egalitarian and informal. Our cultures are open and direct. Our countries have compatible strategic perspectives.

Yet Singapore and Australia are not completely the same. There are differences in social mores and norms. For example, Singapore’s strict drug laws contrast with Australia’s more tolerant attitudes. Each society strikes its own balance between individual liberties and collective interests.

Nevertheless, through frank and sincere exchanges sustained over six decades, we have come to appreciate and understand each other, developed mutual respect and warmth, and built a deep reservoir of trust and goodwill. We upgraded our Comprehensive Strategic Partnership just last year. Our shared outlooks and close friendship give us the confidence to keep on doing more together.

Australia is less similar to many other Asian countries than to Singapore. Yet it is possible, and necessary, for Australia and Asia to understand each other better, and make common cause in an uncertain world. Singapore’s successful partnership with Australia points the way for your broader regional engage­ment. You will find many willing partners keen to work with you to build a stable, peaceful and prosperous Asia for all.